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Zimbabwe is a republic in which President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) have dominated the executive and legislative branches of the Government since independence in 1980. Although the Constitution allows for multiple parties, opposition parties and their supporters were subjected to significant intimidation and violence by the ruling party and government security forces, and financial restrictions continued to be imposed on the opposition. In 1999 the country's first viable opposition party emerged, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which won 57 out of 120 seats in the 2000 parliamentary elections.
The March presidential election was preceded and followed by a government-sanctioned campaign of violence directed towards supporters and potential supporters of the opposition. Although the voting process itself generally was peaceful, most election observers agreed that there were widespread and serious irregularities and that the election process was not free and fair.
The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the Government eroded its independence by installing judges sympathetic to government policies, sanctioning intimidation against sitting judges, and ignoring or overturning judgments with which it did not agree. The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) was responsible for maintaining law and order. Although the ZRP officially was under the authority of the Ministry of Home Affairs, in practice it was controlled by the President's Office.
The Zimbabwe National Army and Air Force under the Defense Ministry were responsible for external security; however, they frequently were called upon for domestic operations during the year. The Central Intelligence Organization (CIO), under the Minister of State for National Security in the President's Office, was responsible for internal and external security and had powers of arrest.
Senior government and ruling party members tightly controlled the security forces. Members of the security forces committed numerous, serious human rights abuses. An estimated 60 percent of the population of approximately 12 million survived on subsistence agriculture and approximately 75 percent relied directly or indirectly on agriculture for their livelihood; however, there were significant mining, manufacturing, and service sectors. The political crisis, a drought, excessive government spending, manipulation of interest rates, money supply growth in excess of 100 percent, and the Government-sanctioned land occupations led to inflation, diminished agricultural harvests, reduced foreign investment and tourism, acute foreign exchange and fuel shortages, accelerating unemployment, and shrinking real incomes. The country's gross domestic product (GDP) dropped to an estimated $4.1 billion (Z$6,560 billion). During the year, per capita GDP fell to $344 and, according to authoritative estimates, more than 70 percent of the population lived below the poverty line.
International experts estimated that half the population faced starvation by year's end. The Government's human rights record remained very poor, and it continued to commit numerous, serious abuses. The Constitution provides citizens the right to change their government through free and fair election; however, in practice President Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party used intimidation and violence to maintain political power. A government-sanctioned, systematic campaign of violence targeting supporters and potential supporters of the opposition began in late 2001 and intensified during the year. Security forces committed extrajudicial killings.
Ruling party supporters and war veterans (an extralegal militia), with material support from the Government, expanded their occupation of commercial farms, and in some cases killed, abducted, tortured, beat, abused, raped, and threatened farm owners, their workers, opposition party members, and other persons believed to be sympathetic to the opposition. There were reports of politically motivated disappearances. Security forces and government youth militias tortured, beat, raped, and otherwise abused persons.
Prison conditions remained harsh and life threatening. The Government frequently did not take steps to prosecute human rights abusers and official impunity was a problem. Arbitrary arrest and detention and lengthy pretrial detention remained problems.
The Government undermined the independence of the judiciary by manipulating the composition of the courts and repeatedly refusing to abide by judicial decisions. Infringements on citizens' privacy continued.
The Government expanded its far-reaching 'fast-track' resettlement program under which nearly all large-scale commercial farms, of which most were white-owned, were designated for seizure without fair compensation. The Government continued to restrict freedom of speech and of the press, passed new legislation that imposed stringent controls on the independent media, enforced restrictive laws against journalists, intimidated, arrested, and prosecuted journalists who published antigovernment articles, and monopolized radio and television broadcasting. Journalists also practiced self-censorship, and the Government continued to restrict academic freedom. The Government restricted freedom of assembly and used force on numerous occasions to disperse nonviolent public meetings and demonstrations. The Government at times restricted freedom of movement. Hundreds of thousands of farm workers were displaced internally due to the ongoing land resettlement policies, and tens of thousands of opposition supporters were displaced by threats of violence. The Government manipulated the electoral process effectively to disenfranchise thousands of voters.
The Government's Grain Marketing Board (GMB) routinely and publicly denied handouts of maize meal to suspected MDC supporters and provided it only to ruling party supporters. The Government attacked and arrested members of civil society and human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and accused the NGOs of sponsoring opposition political activity. Domestic violence against women remained widespread, and discrimination against women and persons with disabilities remained problems. Abuse of children and child prostitution were problems.
The President and his Government encouraged widespread resentment of the white minority. The Government violated worker rights. Child labor was a problem. There were anecdotal reports of trafficking in persons. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life Security forces committed several extrajudicial killings, and in numerous other cases, army and police units participated or provided transportation and other logistical support to perpetrators of political violence and knowingly permitted their activities.
The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, an umbrella group of 9 prominent domestic human rights organizations, reported that 58 persons were confirmed killed as a result of political violence during the year, mostly perpetrated by supporters of the ruling party. `ZANU-PF supporters committed almost all of the killings during the year. The majority of those killed in political violence were MDC activists or supporters. A number of farm workers reportedly were killed in political violence; however, exact figures were not known. For example, on January 28, a group of men in a car accosted Tichaona Katsamudangu in Harare and demanded to know where MDC meetings were held and who occupied MDC party structures.
The men then grabbed Katsamudangu and attached cables from the car's revving engine to his thighs and fingernails. Katsamudangu later was forced to swallow an herbal substance, which induced severe diarrhea. He died 4 days after the attacks as a result of his injuries and dehydration. No official action was taken by year's end. In February war veterans and a suspected CIO officer abducted and tortured for a month three MDC activists from Nkayi, Tembendi Ndebele, Venny Dube, and Newman Bhebhe in an underground military-style bunker. Ndebele died of his injuries shortly after being released.
No official action was taken by year's end. On March 8, unknown assailants killed Amos Museva, a war veteran, on his plot of land in Masvingo. Prior to his death Museva was embroiled in a dispute over ownership of his plot with the daughter of the Deputy Minister of Youth, Gender, Development, and Employment Creation.
Police arrested suspects in connection with Museva's death; however, a trial date was not set by year's end. On September 22, ZANU-PF supporters hacked to death MDC supporter Nikoniari Chibvamudeve in Hurungwe West prior to the rural district council elections. Faston Chipurupuru, another MDC supporter who was with Chibyamudeve at the time, sustained cranial axe wounds and barbed wire lacerations on his back. Twelve arrests were made; however, there was no further official action by year's end. At least one commercial farmer was killed during the year. Security guards of the government official who was to receive the property ambushed and shot him.
There were no new developments in the following 2001 cases of killings: The March killing of a soldier in police custody; the April beating death by police of a University of Zimbabwe (UZ) student; the August death of Vusumuzi Mukweli while in custody; and the October beating death by two army soldiers of a man in a Guruve police station. There was no legal action taken against members of the security forces who in August 2001 killed 3 striking members of the Steel Workers' Union and injured 10 others. In November 2001, six ZDF soldiers beat and threw Lameck Chemvura, a UZ student who they suspected of supporting the MDC, from a moving train; he subsequently died from his injuries. The soldiers also beat and harassed other passengers.
Six soldiers were arrested; however, only one was charged with murder. The police denied that the case was politically motivated. The Rusape magistrate court postponed the case several times and appeared unwilling to try it by year's end.
Lawyers from the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO forum filed a lawsuit against the police on behalf of the families of the 12 victims of a stampede at a soccer match in 2000. The police failed to respond to the lawyers' allegations that they behaved negligently in firing tear gas into the crowd. The lawyers obtained an order from the court compelling the police to respond to the specific allegation of negligence; however, the police refused to comply. By year's end, the lawyers planned to file an application for a default judgment on behalf of the victims' families with the court. No further action was taken, nor was any likely to be taken, in the following 2001 cases: The March killing in Muzarabani and Hoya wards, Mashonaland Central province of two MDC members by ZANU-PF supporters; the May assault by four suspected ZANU-PF supporters of Misheck Mwanza that led to his subsequent death in June; and the December abduction and killing of Augustus Chacha, an MDC activist, by suspected ZANU-PF supporters.
The six MDC suspects charged with the 2001 murder of Bernard Gara, a ZANU-PF supporter, during clashes between ruling party and opposition supporters at Baradzanwa Business Centre in Bikita West were acquitted and subsequently released. The case of Tawanda Mutinzwe, a ZANU-PF supporter, charged with murder and held without bail for allegedly torturing two men to death with a hot iron in 2001 remained pending at year's end. Despite a May 29 High Court ruling ordering the Government to release three of the nine MDC members implicated in the 2001 killing of Cain Nkala, Bulawayo War Veterans Chairman, on bail until a trial date has been set, they remained in custody.
In 2001 the Attorney General's office charged Remember Moyo, Khethani Sibanda, and Sazini Mpofu with murder. The trial date was postponed from November to early 2003 and the accused remained in detention awaiting trial at year's end.
Police arrested several government youth brigade members for the 2001 killing of Trymore Midzi, the MDC vice-chairman for the Bindura district. The youth brigade members appeared in court, were released on bail, and no trial date was set by year's end.
Following Midzi's death, local ZANU-PF supporters forced the Midzi family out of their home. No one had been arrested in connection with the deaths of three other MDC activists, including Titus Nheya, an MDC candidate who ran for office but was defeated in the 2000 parliamentary election. The MDC members implicated in the 2001 killing of war veteran and ZANU-PF supporter Willis Dhliwayo were released without being charged; an investigation was ongoing at year's end. During the year, police failed to comply with a High Court Order to arrest two known suspects, one of whom serves as the head of the CIO branch in Chimanimani, in the 2000 beating death of the MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai's campaign manager and another person.
There were no arrests or court actions in the case by year's end. There was no known investigation or action taken, nor is any likely to be taken, against the ZANU-PF supporters responsible for the following killings in 2000: The March killings in Mberengwa district; the April killing of Luckson Kanyurira and another MDC supporter; the May beating to death of Alex Chisasa; the May beating to death of Mationa and Onias Mashaya; and the June killing of Mandishona Mutyanda, MDC ward chairman for Kwekwe district.
There was no action taken, nor was any likely to be taken, against a group of war veterans, including active duty defense force personnel in civilian clothing, for the April 2000 killing of MDC organizer and commercial farmer David Stevens, or the three men armed with rifles who killed commercial farmer Henry Elsworth in December 2000. Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports that the use of excessive force to disperse demonstrations resulted in deaths (see Section 2.b.). Harsh prison conditions and a high incidence of HIV/AIDS were acknowledged widely to have contributed to a large number of deaths in prison; the Zimbabwe Prison Service documented that 1,051 prisoners have died of HIV/AIDS-related causes since 1998 (see Section 1.c.). However, some deaths in custody and prison may have been due to abuse. There were no reports of landmine deaths during the year.
On May 2, the body of MDC polling agent Tipason Madhobha was found in a stream near the Ganye Dam in Gokwe. Madhobha went missing on April 10 after he left his home with a group of neighbors to search for missing cattle. Although the family demanded a postmortem, there was no further inquiry into the cause of Madhobha's death or the circumstances surrounding his disappearance by year's end. There were no substantial developments in the 2001 killing of 72-year-old Gloria Olds, a commercial farmer. Police arrested one suspect shortly after the murder and claimed that the investigation into Olds' death was ongoing; however, no further action was taken by year's end. ZANU-PF supporters allegedly killed her son, Martin Olds, in 2000. The police investigation into the 2001 killing of Kwekwe farmer Ralph Fenwick Corbett was ongoing; however, they reportedly had no leads on the case and no one was arrested by year's end.
Unlike in the previous year, there were no reports of ritual murders and killings of children for body parts that were associated with traditional religious practices. On July 22, the High Court acquitted Faber Chidarikire on a ritual murder charge. Disappearance During the year, there were 35 reports of politically motivated disappearances mostly committed by ZANU-PF supporters, especially in the rural areas where most organized groups were loyal to the Government and few opposition organizations. Domestic human rights organizations believed that there were disappearances in rural areas that were not reported due to fear of retribution by progovernment factions. Many abductees were beaten or tortured, others later were found killed (see Sections 1.a. On March 6, suspected ZANU-PF supporters in Mabvuku abducted Thomas Manyika, the MDC polling agent for Mt. Manyika was carrying a package of MDC T-shirts when he boarded a local commuter bus.
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When Manyika disembarked, six men followed him. No suspects were arrested in connection with Manyika's disappearance, nor had the police made any inquiries into the circumstances surrounding his abduction. In July Musande Matsveta, the MDC treasurer for Buhera South, reportedly was abducted from a funeral service in Masasa by suspected ZANU-PF supporters. On the same day and in the same town, a second MDC member, Kudzai Magama, was abducted from his home by suspected ZANU-PF supporters.
Magama's and Matsveta's whereabouts remained unknown. It is unclear whether police were conducting an investigation into their disappearances. In the pre-election period prior to the September 28 and 29 rural district council elections, at least three MDC candidates were kidnaped and beaten, and several others assaulted (see Section 1.c.). For example, on July 21, ZANU-PF youth allegedly abducted Meynard Mashapa, a potential MDC candidate in the September election in Tanganda, Manicaland, from the Tanganda shopping center, held him for 3 days, and assaulted him. MDC members later rescued him from the home of a ZANU-PF member in Chipinge. The MDC identified those responsible; however, the police took no action on the case by year's end.